by: Thomas Lee
Where oppressive power is prevalent, a natural response would be to resist such oppression, which can only be achieved by first wielding sufficient power. Yet, in our capitalistic society that emphasizes greatly on career progression and promotions, it is often misconceived that power can only be achieved by rising through existing hierarchical structures. In this regard, people tend to equate power with domination and control over people or things. Yet, in situations where achieving power within such structures are impossible or difficult to achieve, attaining sufficient power to combat oppressive forces would appear to be an impossible feat.
Yet, while this lack of power may be a real issue in the context of one’s struggle against sexist oppression (e.g. sexual harassment, rape, etc.), victims of sexual oppression have abandoned such a traditional concept of power and instead recognized new forms of power to combat sexual oppression. A prominent example can be found in American showbiz, where Harvey Weinstein, once a powerful film producer, was eventually charged with rape and sexual misconduct as a result of allegations made against him by those he has victimized. One of the key drivers behind the success of this fight can be attributed to the #MeToo movement, originally popularised by the American actress – Alyssa Milano. By employing the #MeToo hashtag on social media, victims of sexual oppression rallied together to share their victimized experiences on social media to expose Weinstein’s sexual misdeeds.
To understand how #MeToo was such a powerful movement to combat sexual oppression, the workings of oppressive forces must first be addressed. This can be understood via Collins’ formulation power working in a matrix of domination (structural, disciplinary, hegemonic, interpersonal). She identifies that a distinctive dimension of oppression lies in the hegemonicdomain where dominant groups create and maintain a popular system of ‘commonsense’ ideas that support their right to rule. These ideas are often so pervasive that it is ‘difficult to conceptualize alternatives to them’.[1] In an illustration, she presents how myths about black women’s “intellectual … inferiority” remains widespread despite a better educated populace.[2] Arguably, a dominant narrative was also found in the context of sexual oppression: the prevalence of rape myths that often attribute one’s sexual victimization to one’s conduct, such as by wearing revealing clothes or being intoxicated at the time of the incident[3], which has for the longest time deterred victims from stepping up to condemn the misdeeds of their sexual predators.
#MeToo is hence effective as it combats oppression in the hegemonic domains. Collins identifies two dimensions of empowerment to combat oppression within this domain. Firstly, one must gain the critical consciousness to unpack hegemonic ideologies. Secondly, in place of the abandoned hegemonic ideology, new knowledge must be constructed in its place. This entails first coming to the recognition that one does not need to believe everything one is told, before relying on overarching themes that provide alternatives to the way things are supposed to be.[4] Accordingly, #MeToo hashtag counters the dominant ‘my-fault-for-being-a-victim-and-I-should-not-speak-out-about-it’ narrative as it rallies sexual victims with similar experiences to speak out against such rape myths, thus further assisting with the creation of a new narrative that their rapist should be fully blamed for their actions.
Collins would further argue that #MeToo is further effective as it provides a platform for creating independent self-definitions, which is also essential for resisting power in the hegemonic domains. Self-definition is definedas the rejection of externally defined and controlling images (images manufactured by dominant groups to help them maintain control).[5] However, self-definition can only be created in “safe spaces” where the oppressed are removed from surveillance, fostering the conditions for their independent self-definitions.[6] For instance, Collins identifies the work of black women writers as one of the traditional safe spaces for black women to construct their collective voice. She cites the work of Alice Childress who, through a fictional character, speaks out on a range of topics that resonates with what black female domestic workers wanted to say at that time but had no means of doing so. In this regard, just as Childress’s writings provided a “visible institutional site of resistance” where such workers could identify with[7], so too does this movement provide similar sites of resistance that victims of sexual oppression can identify with by having famous personalities such as Taylor Swift share relatable content of their experiences of being sexually harassed and the exposing of their harassers (Redden). Thus, by establishing an avenue for self-definition and enabling these alternative definitions to be shared with other oppressed people on such platforms, an alternative ‘my-rapist-should-be-blamed’ narrative can be more easily reached, replacing the ‘my-fault-for-being-a-victim-and-I-should-not-speak-out-about-it’ narrative, thereby combating hegemonic oppression. Such was the case against Weinstein, where victims of sexual oppression, under #MeToo, collectively spoke out against his sexual misconduct blaming him for his misdeeds, which eventually led to his criminal conviction.
hooks would also agree that self-definitions are important in a movement since self-definition highlights power not established via the domination of others, but rather as being creative and life-affirming.[8] As hooks (2015) argues, before women can work to reconstruct society, they must reject the notion that obtaining power in the existing social structure will necessarily advance the feminist struggle to end oppression, as this notion is rooted in the false assumption that women have no power.[9] Even if women can gain material privilege and control over their destiny, it will not end male domination as a system.[10] In the context of this movement, the aim is not for the victims to dominate their oppressors in a capitalistic hierarchical structure, but rather to promote a culture of mutual respect for both genders by liberating ensuring that sexual oppressors are adequately punished for their misfeasance.
In conclusion, a traditional and outmoded conception of power will not end sexual oppression. At most, it may only allow some women to gain greater material privilege over their destiny and of others. Instead, feminist ideology should take inspiration from a movement like #MeToo, by recognizing that women possess inherent power that they can exercise to resist sexual oppression in the hegemonic domains. #MeToo is also a useful movement to emulate due to its facilitation of self-definitions. Ultimately, the effectiveness of #MeToo may be one small stepfor ending oppression within American Showbiz, and if properly emulated, can be also a giant leapfor victims for sexual oppression all around the world.
References:
1. Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. Routledge, 2000.
2. Friedman, Arnold P. “Headaches.” The Encyclopedia of Mental Health, Vol II., pp. 719–723., doi:10.1037/11549-032.
3. Hooks, Bell. Feminist Theory: from Margin to Center. Routledge, 2015.
4. Redden, Molly. “#MeToo Movement Named Time Magazine's Person of the Year.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 6 Dec. 2017, www.theguardian.com/media/2017/dec/06/metoo-movement-named-time-magazines-person-of-the-year.
[1]Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. Routledge, 2000, p.284.
[2]Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. Routledge, 2000, p.284.
[3]Friedman, Arnold P. “Headaches.” The Encyclopedia of Mental Health, Vol II., pp. 719–723., doi:10.1037/11549-032.
[4]Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. Routledge, 2000, p.286.
[5]Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. Routledge, 2000, p.114.
[6]Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. Routledge, 2000, p.111.
[7]Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. Routledge, 2000, p.109.
[8]hooks, Bell. Feminist Theory: from Margin to Center. Routledge, 2015, p.90.
[9]hooks, Bell. Feminist Theory: from Margin to Center. Routledge, 2015, p.92.
[10]hooks, Bell. Feminist Theory: from Margin to Center. Routledge, 2015, p.92.
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